Performance Management assignment Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Execution Management task - Essay Example 7-8 Etisalat’s Organizational Policies...†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.. 8-10 Conclusion †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦... 10-11 Recommendations: Improving Performance Management †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ 11-12 Abstract This investigation investigates the noteworthiness of execution the executives to the corporate existence of Etisalat, driving media transmission and web industry of United Arab Emirates (UAE). Examining on its business the board and its commitment to worldwide turn of events, scientist utilized observational information to research, reach inferences and make a few proposals on the province of Etisalat execution the board. Presentation Performance the executives (PM) relates about frameworks on business the board and the organization of its human asset to accomplish corporate objectives and goals by deliberately guiding the conveyance of administrations to use in a quick advancing business sector for need of fulfillment. As worldwide market is advancing in decent variety and in complex elements, it’s basic for partnership to create corporate methodology, set objectives, direct standard appraisals, take advantage of chances for development, and upgrade inspirations to continue its corporate life (Armstrong, 2009). In such setting, this exploration means to fundamentally investigate Etisalat’s execution the board as a main media transmission organization in United Arab of Emirates (UAE), connect its huge commitment to worldwide market, decide the goals it embraced to be serious and flexible from dangers, and to attract proposals to improve company’s execution. Specialist utilized got to online reports and other related assets in the direct of this examination. Execution Ma nagement characterized Performance the board is tied in with distinguishing, estimating and embracing vital instrument to adjust company’s plans with its vision, strategic, explicit objectives and make an interpretation of them into corporate activity. It incorporates lead of assessments, either formal or casual, for example, examination and useful criticism system to decide company’s quality, shortcomings, openings and quality. As a procedure, PM manages structures and frameworks to set rules and indicate jobs to spur human capital in the exhibition of undertakings, arrive at targets, procure compensates and appreciate pay with confidence. The organization may lead proceeding with information or aptitude move or trainings to upgrade their fitness. Since corporate administration bargain frameworks, correspondences and detailing are basic for shared getting, coordination, relational trade of sentiments and issues just as feeling of consistency of musings about the idea of their occupations. Then again, since PM is about human asset the executives, hierarchical objectives must be comprehended by staff; changes are encouraged; compensation and prizes conspire are comparable to anticipated outcome; and friends is shielded from lawful obstacles. Prize framework may incorporate possibility pays to purposefully demoralize pivot paces of good representatives and to create corporate culture on greatness. Nonappearance of corporate framework and blunder de-persuaded laborers, haul them out of objectives, antagonized worker managers relations and such nonattendance of deliberateness will consume them out (Delaney and Huselid, 1996). The organization will endure high pivot rate, dangers and clashes would

The Field Trip in Miami Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

The Field Trip in Miami - Essay Example On the primary day of our outing, we visited the Fruit and Spice Park. This is an enormous tropical professional flowerbed situated in Miami. The 37-section of land park is an open office under the full proprietorship and the board of the Miami Dade County Park and Recreation Open Space. Without a doubt, a visit to this park was beneficial in light of the fact that it had bunches of advantages to us. Aside from encountering the lovely tropical atmosphere at the nursery, we got a plentiful chance to see a ton of plants that we had never observed. These comprised of various assortments of flavors, natural products, nuts, vegetables, herbs and a wide scope of plant examples. It was so intriguing to visit the recreation center since it has a huge pool of plant species to appreciate seeing. Along these lines, by being dynamic voyagers, we needed to see and find out much about the various types of bamboo, bananas, and mango that are exhibited at the recreation center. In the wake of getting a charge out of the excellence of the Fruit and Spice Park, we invested the remainder of the energy testing and having a sample of the assortment of nourishments and beverages offered at the nursery. Here, we ate a solid and steady dinner of banana salsa that was served close by chips, pumpkins, star food, guava, avocados, and jackfruits. This was an exceptionally sweet food that fulfilled us as well as left us longing for additional. What satisfied me more than anything is that the food was readied utilizing the fixings from the recreation center hence getting simply normal. In the interim, I was especially astounded by the Miranda organic product that I tasted toward the finish of our outing. In the wake of finding out about it for such a long time, I just could hardly imagine how the intriguing berry could really make me taste a harsh food as sweet one for as long as two hours after its utilization. Subsequent to leaving the Fruit and Spice Park, we continued to Oolite Restaurant and Bar, Lincoln Road, Miami. Here, we got an opportunity to eat and drink a ton of nourishments and beverages just as getting a charge out of the excellence of this incredible office.

Meal Planning for Eating Disorder Recovery

Meal Planning for Eating Disorder Recovery Eating Disorders Treatment Print Meal Planning for Eating Disorder Recovery Learn How to Plan Meals to Support Your Recovery By Lauren Muhlheim, PsyD, CEDS facebook twitter linkedin Lauren Muhlheim, PsyD, is a certified eating disorders expert and clinical psychologist who provides cognitive behavioral psychotherapy. Learn about our editorial policy Lauren Muhlheim, PsyD, CEDS Updated on December 25, 2018 Gary Burchell, Taxi, Getty Images More in Eating Disorders Treatment Symptoms Diagnosis Awareness and Prevention In our modern, faced-paced society, in which food is plentiful, many of us become accustomed to eating on the go, not stocking our kitchens, and ordering in or eating fast food. While for most people these choices are a matter of convenience, patients in recovery from an eating disorder must focus on being more structured and deliberate about their food choices. Meal planning is a critical skill for recovery from all eating disorders including anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, binge eating disorder, and other specified feeding and eating disorder (OSFED).?? It is important not only for adults who are working on their own recovery, but also for parents or caregivers who are helping a child, adolescent, or young adult with their recovery. Recovery from all eating disorders requires the normalization of regular eating patterns.?? This is best accomplished through planned and structured eating. In residential and inpatient settings, meals are typically provided for patients. But for patients recovering in the outpatient setting, this must usually be done on one’s own. And of course, all patients must transition out of higher levels of care into the outpatient setting and take this on for themselves eventually. In CBT-E, one of the most successful evidence-based treatments for eating disorders, the general advice is for clients to eat every four hours and to plan ahead.?? Some people with eating disorders avoid food shopping because it makes them anxious. They may end up not eating enough. Other people with eating disorders avoid keeping their kitchens stocked because they are afraid of binge eating. They may wind up letting themselves get too hungry and then bingeing on processed foods or ordering in food and overeating. For parents with a child in recovery, meals can be stressful. Parents can feel overwhelmed with the constant meal preparation and serving. They may also need to supervise their child to make sure their child is not overexercising or engaging in other eating disorder behaviors. They may have limited time to shop and prepare meals. Planning ahead becomes even more critical. Because many of the healthier foods are perishable, planning ahead and stocking fresh fruits and vegetables may improve health.?? Meal planning is often cost-effective as compared to leaving food decisions to the last minute. Most people in recovery find that they must go to the supermarket at least once per week. Planning appropriately can prevent the need for additional trips. Even if you will not be cooking, meal planning is still important. And if you are taking care of someone with an eating disorder, meal planning is essential for you. Strategies for Adults Who Are in Recovery Once a week, take 10 minutes to plan out at least 5 lunches and 5 dinners to get you through the week. If you ultimately want to move them around and have your Wednesday dinner on Tuesday instead â€" no problem, you will have the ingredients you will need on hand.Make a list of the ingredients you need to buy to make those meals â€" this can be actual recipes you will cook or prepared items you will assemble for the meal.Plan to do at least one large shopping per week to get you through the bulk of the week’s meals. You may have to do one additional “fill-in” shopping trip.If you are shopping and meal planning for one and don’t want to cook, healthy, delicious, and balanced meals can easily be put together from the prepared sections of almost any market.If you plan to have some meals out, include where and what in your plan.Have at least two different breakfast options you can alternate.Don’t forget to plan for your snacks.If you are following a meal plan, you may have fewe r decisions to make, but you will still want to sit down once per week and make a shopping list based on your meal plan.Your meal plan does not need to be set-in-stone.?? You can always include room for a spontaneous event that arises, but you dont want to be in the position where you arrive home tired after work and have no idea what to make for dinner. Meal-Planning Strategies for Caregivers Supporting a Child in Recovery On a weekly basis, sit down and make a plan for the family’s meals for the week.Plan at least 4 to 5 dinners for the entire family weekly; try meals with components, which can be adjusted to each eater’s needs and preferences simply and cost-effectively (examples include tacos; or pasta with sauce, meatballs, and a vegetable)Plan out 5 of your child’s lunches to get you through each weekday.Have at least two breakfast options you can alternate.Buy enough ingredients for all of your child’s snacks.If your child is needing to gain weight, they will commonly need a lot of food so plan accordingly?? A helpful tool for meal planning (for both individuals and families) is available free online. Look under meal planning, and download Weekly Meal Planning/ Shopping List. For both adults and adolescents with eating disorders, those families who prioritize and make the time for regular meal planning and shopping make better progress in treatment. Registered Dietitians (RDNs) can assist with meal planning for recovery. Patients and families may also want to consider additional meal support  when the patient is having trouble completing meals on his or her own.

The Moral Obligation of Businesses Essay - 1326 Words

Introduction: Individuals are not motivated to do as they wish to, within narrow boundaries of the community, which illustrates common collaboration. By stages, cooperation will improve into activities that rise towards sustaining that niche society’s wellbeing. People who care about others who are not able to take care of them self like, poor, old, weak, sick, as also know as moral imperatives (Brenan, pg 114). Even though, helping isn’t partial to the above-mentioned groups. Basically thinking regarding citizens, land, atmosphere and nature is known as cultivation. Businesses and Government are also involved in civilization. It is very difficult to search l societies that are not sufficiently stable to live. At some stage big†¦show more content†¦It looks sensible and dynamic to put social strategies high on the corporations’ agenda. Drucker stated that businesses has the responsibility to drop the society in the same manner a school has a responsibility to go over- and-beyond its primary goal, which is providing education to the society (Drucker 1981).It is defined by Friedman (1970), being morally accountable is going beyond the basic desires of complying with the law, it is when a corporation spends more to cut down the carbon emissions and pollution, than the amount that is in the best benefits of the corporation. This creates a new problem regarding the money that they invest belongs to the shareholders. Some people argue that the revenue that business generates belongs to the shareholder where as some may believe that it is the shareholders interest for the corporation to become profitable, due to their interest relies on the corporation wellbeing. I agree with that definition because if the business runs out of the profit, the shareholder’s investment will disappear. The best thing a company can do is to maintain its sustainability in a competitive environment. Usually societies are doubtful about the corporations whenever practicing CSR. Some people say the companies are fraud and trying to cheat the society and creating positive image and reputation. From my point of view Companies are pushed by governments’ rules and regulations to practice CSR. CSR is every company’sShow MoreRelatedBusiness Moral Responsibility Essay1370 Words   |  6 PagesBusinesses Moral Responsibility Darryl A. Young April 18, 2008 Philosophy GEPI 140 One of the most important questions in all businesses is, whether businesses have any moral responsibilities at all beyond simply earning as much of a profit as possible for their owners? If you look at it from the business point of view they are only responsible for making a profit. The company is an agent of the shareholders and is responsible only to them, and only for making a profit. Looking at itRead MoreThe Enron And Enron s Scams, The Ponzi Scheme Perpetrated By Bernard Madoff Essay1183 Words   |  5 PagesIn the past few years, enterprise integrity has come up on a regular subject of conversation. In the past ten years only, we have seen numerous situations associated with collaborative scams which have shaken the people s trust in businesses and also the general economic climate. A few of the many salient frauds are the WorldCom and Enron s scams, the ponzi scheme perpetrated by Bernard Madoff s, the latest accusations of Goldman Sachs tricking option traders to gua rantee the company s personalRead MoreCapital Assets Vs. Government961 Words   |  4 Pagesand how it has to be spent; it is government’s moral obligation to report it in their government-wide statements. Therefore, this paper is going to address about whether it is important to report capital assets similar to businesses, differences between moral obligation bonds from other types of debt, and it is about why one government assume a moral obligation for another government’s bonds. Governments Must Report Capital Assets Similar to Businesses It is important to report their capital assetsRead MoreMultinational Organizations Improve The Job Market And Bridge Gap Between Different Countries1134 Words   |  5 Pagesit difficult to have a set standard of moral obligations for the multinational companies who operate within them. These countries however are not free from moral obligation and instead need to find creative ways to insure ethical behavior in each individual country and as a whole. Companies have an obligation towards social responsibility, which if violated may result in various costs such as fines or lawsuits. In order to effectively fulfill this obligation they need to act ethically in terms ofRead MorePepsi in Burma1403 Words   |  6 PagesPepsi in Burma Question 1 Identify the moral issues that are raised by Pepsi’s presence in Burma. A moral issue can be defined as any issue concerning how one ought to behave, how others ought to behave, or whether a situation is proper or improper. Morality is judged based on what is right or wrong. Pepsi’s presence in Burma raised several ethical and moral concerns due government operations under the military regime. In the 1990’s Burma was undergoing social, economic and political crisisRead MoreMoral Responsibility797 Words   |  4 Pages(A) of the core moral responsibility This is done by P. Pula Li (Peter Pratley)proposed. Pula Li believes that the same as the implementation of quality management, companies also accept the moral responsibility of the concrete. at the lowest level, the enterprise must take three responsibilities: (1) concern for consumers, such as the ability to meet the ease of use, product safety And other requirements; (2)concern for the environment; (3) interest on the minimum working conditions. Platts theseRead MoreReaction Paper Bhopal Post1375 Words   |  6 Pagesthe disaster. The Indian Government neglected to enforce environmental laws, Union Carbide U.S. instructed its subsidiary to run the plant without proper equipment, and Union Carbide India failed to instruct its parent of major ongoing problems. Businesses are legally required to not be negligent in their actions, and they should take responsibility when mistakes or accidents happen. In this case, all three agents abdicated their responsibilities leading up to the in cident, as well as in the lawsuitRead MoreAdvertising : The Positive Impact Of Ethical Advertising1000 Words   |  4 Pagesbehaviors in the contemporary world. Advertisement does have profound impact on peoples understanding of life, the world and themselves, particularly regarding values and choices in life. Today, there is increasing literature focusing on ethical and moral issues that advertisement can and does actually raise. Research reveal instances that advertisement violets the basic economic assumptions in the society each day and that the consumers are increasingly aware of it and its influences. When it comesRead MoreWhy Ethical Responsibilities Go Beyond Legal Compliance. Essay591 Words   |  3 PagesWhile many businesses have codes of ethics, the words written in a formal code are valuable only if their intent is reflected in the actions of the people who represent the organization. A business cannot be any more – or less – ethical than the people who run it and who work for it. Within a company, people take their cues regarding the behaviors that are acceptable based on how they see the companys leaders acting and the behaviors that they see being rewarded in their peers. Businesses that areRead MoreEssay about Economic Competition: Should we Care about the Losers?1035 Words   |  5 PagesWe Care About The Losers, he particularly focuses on the economic wellbeing on individuals whom interests may be in danger within economic competition. After discussing several subcategories within economic play, Wolff believes that we have a moral obligation to help th ose that may be taken advantage of in the commercial world. These potential â€Å"losers†, he states, fluctuates between producers and consumers. Within his description, Wolff clarifies that exploitation is a direct consequence of economic

Global Warming A Money Making - 1472 Words

Global Warming: A Money-Making Gimmick or a Money-Making Reality? Global Warming, for years we have been listening to this term, whether it be in middle school or later on; we have always been given the same definition for it- â€Å"a gradual increase in the overall temperature of the earth s atmosphere generally attributed to the greenhouse effect caused by increased levels of carbon dioxide, chlorofluorocarbons, and other pollutants†,(Global Warming: News, Facts, Causes Effects†). Throughout our school life, we have been taught and tested on this definition and its causes and effects. However, the question remains, is global warming a phenomenon caused due to human carelessness or is the increasing temperature a natural occurrence? The documentary The Global Warming Swindle builds up its authenticity by introducing its participants and interviewees, who are mostly top scientists and reputed researchers in the field of climate study and change, and goes on to present facts, statistics, and data to prove their stand- Global Warming is not man-made and is only propaganda to promote fear of extreme climate change, for scientists to benefit from, therefore, concluding with an effective message and providing sufficient information to support this documentary. The documentary introduces a new perspective on global warming. For years, we thought CO2 emissions via human beings and their resources contributed to the Earth’s increasing temperatures and eventually led toShow MoreRelatedWe Must Stop Global Warming878 Words   |  4 Pageshas been a bit hotter outside lately? Have you seen on the news that sea levels are rising? Did you know global warming affects animals? 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However since we have dealt with global warming for so long for many years, we have double theseRead MoreSave The Earth, Buy Less By Jared Blumenfeld984 Words   |  4 Pagespresent time is global warming. Global warming is a massive problem for one to solve, but we can create positive change by making environmentally-conscious personal choices and inspiring others to take collective action. I believe we all can take actions to reduce the global warming: we can reduce pollution, we can recycle products and we can conserve water. These all actions can contribute to making our planet a â€Å"greener† place to live. First of all, in order to reduce the global warming, we need toRead MoreDefining Global Warming1117 Words   |  5 Pages Global warming is a very broad subject. The official definition of global warming is an increase in the earth’s average atmospheric temperature that causes corresponding changes in climate and that may result from greenhouse effect. I translate this into the earth warming up; this might be caused by people. I personally think that global warming is man-made. Some processes that contribute to global warming are factories, cars, and many other objects that produce carbon dioxide. Global warming isRead MoreGlobal Warming Is A Serious Problem Essay1675 Words   |  7 Pagesdisappearing habitats, changing ecosystems, and acidifying oceans.† (Berger, 2015) Global warming is a serious problem for several reasons including melting glaciers, more severe storms, and the effects that it is having on our wild life/ sea life due to the greenhouse effect. We must start taking measures to help the effects of global warming. If we do not start making changes to help the issue that global warming is bringing, we will really start to regret it because we only have one earth and ifRead MoreGlobal Warming: The Release of Greenhouse Gases986 Words   |  4 PagesThe United States government has been denying the truth about global warming. It seems that everyone else has been tagging along as well. It has become a great concern that people aren’t aware of what global warming actually is, and citizens leave it up to politics to decide for them. So, What is Global Warming? There is a process that occurs in our atmosphere called the Greenhouse Effect. The natural release of greenhouse gasses from our planet is done to keep our planet warm. What occurs is theseRead More Exemplification Essay: Why The World Is Doomed1086 Words   |  5 Pagesexplodes to move machinery, and emits a very toxic byproduct called CO2. Carbon is incredibly dangerous to the earths atmosphere, and erodes huge holes in the ozone layer of our earth. This erosion causes global warming and climate change that is permanent and irreversible. The impact of global warming will not only effect generation to come, but present generations as well. Society is within a paradox of this issue. 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This has generated the idea that a variety of simple more practical ideas should be considered. After conducting my own survey, I found that the approximately 53% are not only worried about global warming, they are also generally uninformed and claim to be unsure about what they believe concerning this crisis. Global warming andRead MoreEssay on Global Warming: The Harmful Reality722 Words   |  3 Pagesweather patterns? Now more carbon dioxide than ever has resulted in global warming. It is a major issue within our environment. Global warming is able to change weather patterns drastically. Temperatures are gradually increasing each year. Sea levels rise at astonishing heights. Even natural disasters are happening more often than not. Global warming is a real threat to our society and must be addressed immediately. Global warming has taken its toll on the earth’s temperature. As time is moving on

Pillow Method Free Essays

string(118) " cohorts of 20 Israeli children each young preschoolers and fourth graders for duration of three years \(2001 2003\)\." Do children apologize to each other? Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse ZOHAR KAMPF and SHOSHANA BLUM-KULKA Abstract Children’s apologies are greatly under-researched. Though there is wealth of information available on the pragmatics of apologies generally, we know much less about whether and how children apologize. Our study explores modes of remedial work by Israeli children in peer discourse. We will write a custom essay sample on Pillow Method or any similar topic only for you Order Now The data were collected through ethnographic observation of Israeli preschool and preadolescents, and consist of 57 (taped and transcribed) apology events identified in natural peer interactions. The analysis of children’s apology events revealed a rich range of apology strategies used by 4 6 year old children, indicating the acquisition of remedial competencies for face management at a relatively early age and showed that with age, a richer range of potential violations is identified, and more elaborate forms of repair are being used, indicating a growing sensitivity to the other’s face needs. Furthermore, we found that adult intervention in children’s conflictual situations serves to model remedial strategies, but is not necessarily effective for conflict resolution. Importantly, peer talk apology events index the centrality of friendship in young children’s social world: breaches from expected behavior in play are taken as face threatening to the core of friendship, namely the children’s shared face as friends, and hence can function to end (even if temporarily) the friendship. Consequently, in such cases, the restoration of friendship becomes a necessary precondition for the felicitous realization of an apology. Keywords: apology, remedial work, remedial competencies, pragmatic development, peer talk, social norms 1. Introduction The apology as a speech act has recently received a great deal of attention in a variety of disciplines philosophy, sociology, psychology, law, Journal of Politeness Research 3 (2007), 11 37 DOI 10. 1515/PR. 2007. 002 1612-5681/07/003 0011 Walter de Gruyter 12 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka political science, international relations, communication and discourse studies and through diverse methodologies. Nevertheless, there are still surprising lacunae in this field, such as the lack of knowledge on the pragmatic development of children’s apologies in natural discourse. The pragmatic study of apologies to date has been mainly adult-usage oriented, whether conducted within the framework of gender differences (Holmes 1989, 1993; Tannen 1994), cross-cultural (for example, Olshtain 1989, Suszczynska 1999; Rieter 2000) or interlanguage pragmatics ? (Trosberg 1987; Garcia 1989; Bergman and Kasper 1993). Children’s apologies have been most frequently studied from the standpoint of social psychology, using mainly experimental methodologies. In this approach the experiments conducted focused primarily on judgments of the perception and effectiveness of apologies (Meier 2004). As Meier stresses in her brief but exhaustive review, the study of children’s apologies has been â€Å"developmental in nature, precipitated by an interest in the overall socialization process. Focuses have thus been on apology production as it relates to cognitive maturation and concomitant changes in perceptions of responsibility, intentionality and self. † (Meier 2004: 5). However, as far as we are aware, no study to date has examined the speech act realization of apologies in natural child discourse (in both peer and adult-child interactions). Thus, research is needed to address questions such as strategy choice in relation to contextual and social factors; the types of violations triggering apologetic behavior in children’s social worlds; and face-management as related to face-threat and remedial work in the sequence of interaction. The dearth of research concerning children is puzzling, particularly in view of the importance of apologies from a developmental perspective. Mastering the ability to apologize indicates the maturation of the child as an independent agent (Hickson 1986), who is accountable for his/her deeds. This development also implies the emergence of the awareness of negative face wants (Brown and Levinson 1987). The realization of apologies further indicates the emergence of positive face wants, since by its realization the child manifests his/her ability for appropriate behavior in the social world, complying with basic norms. In fact, the familiarity with the apology script, in its narrow sense as remedial work for a misdeed (Goffman 1971), demonstrates familiarity with two different norms: the norm violated which threatened the face of the offended party, and the norm by which it is appropriate to apologize in such circumstances (Tavuchis 1991). Thus, by using the appropriate form in the appropriate settings, abiding by the basic felicity conditions, the child is manifesting his/her acquired competence to restore equilibrium to social relations, utilizing an efficient tool for conflict resolution, and Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 3 thereby fulfilling the main social function of the speech act of apology (Edmondson 1981; Leech 1983). Beyond acquiring the basic features of the apologetic script, children also need to learn a multiplicity of forms and functions for the speech act in order to achieve full pragmatic competence. Apology forms can be used as a means to save the face of the oth er or that of the self as well as to threaten them (see Lakoff 2001 for a review on the forms and functions of the speech act), and, as such, they index children’s competencies of face management in interactions with peers andor adults. In this paper we closely examine apologies observed during natural peer interaction of Israeli children with the following issues in mind: What is the scope of strategies used by children for apologizing? Is there a developmental line in apologetic behavior over the years? What types of offenses trigger an apology? What can they tell us about the norms of the social world of Israeli children? And lastly, what are the roles of adult mediators both in socializing children in the practice of apology and to the practice of conflict management and resolution? . Method The apologies analyzed here were detected in child discourse during ethnographic observations of peer interactions in Israeli preschool children in the preschool and at home, and Israeli young adolescents at home and at a diner1. These observations are part of a larger longitudinal project aimed at tracking the development of genres of extended discourse2. Within the overall framework of the project, we followed two cohorts of 20 Israeli children each young preschoolers and fourth graders for duration of three years (2001 2003). You read "Pillow Method" in category "Papers" The children were observed and taped in three types of speech events: natural peer interactions; family mealtimes; and semi-structured adult child interviews. The data for this paper come from the transcripts of natural peer interaction of both preschoolers and fourth graders in free play during the first and the third year of the project, when the mean age of the younger group was 5 and 7 respectively, and that of the older group 9 and 11. We analyzed 1362 minutes (22 hours and 42 minutes) of transcribed interaction, using two different methods. First, by using a key word search, we located all the explicit apologies that contained IFID’s (Illocutionary Force Indicating Device) in our data. We considered all expressions containing variants of the conventional forms of apologies in Hebrew: hitnatclut (apology), slixa (literally forgiveness, or pardon, can function as ‘excuse me’), and ca’ar (sorry or regret). For each occurrence, we analyzed the full interactional sequence of the apology event from the initial violation through the realization of the apology and later reac- 14 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka tions to it in order to characterize the pragmatic strategies and social ontexts in which they were uttered. After ensuring through these procedures that we did not miss any conventional form of apology in our data, we reviewed the transcripts to locate conversational sequences that were likely to invite remedial work and analyzed the instances of the indirect apologies identified. The child ren’s apology events were analyzed with several goals in mind. First, in terms of their form, namely the main strategies used by the speaker: type of IFID, admittingavoiding responsibility, types of accounts, the presence of a promise of forbearance, offers for repair, minimizations and maximizations (see Blum-Kulka et al. 989 for details). Second, in terms of their function, namely by noting the interactional goal of the apology (whether it functions apologetically or nonapologetically as in a challenging or sarcastic keying) and, more broadly, by noting the way it functions and develops in the specific context and co-text in which it appears. Close consideration of the local co-text and context also takes into account the violations that trigger apologies and the â€Å"keying† (Blum-Kulka et al. 004) of the apologies, namely whether the apology was sincere, casual, challenging or sarcastic (see Deutschmann 2003 for details), and whether realized within a pretend-play frame. Thirdly, we further explored the strategies and functions of apologies in Israeli children’s peer talk from a developmental perspective, looking for differences in the use of strategies with age. We also considered the role of mediators, mostly institutional figures, in the socialization of apologetic behavior. And lastly, we analyzed the preschool children’s sholem (lit. eace) ritual; a cultural alternative for apology manifested by signaling performatively the restoration of a â€Å"peace† state. Our most surprising finding was the richness of the range of apology strategies used by young children (4 6 years old); a finding that indicates the acquisition of remedial competencies for face management at a relatively early age. 3. Children’s remedial work How frequently do people apologize? Since most research on apologies has been carried out with the use of written questionnaires, role-play or anecdotal data collection during ethnographic observa tions (Butler 2001), the actual ate of apologies in natural talk remains a puzzle (Holmes 1990). Our observations of 22 hours and 42 minutes of children’s interactions yielded an apology event on average every 23. 9 minutes, (0. 042 apologies per minute, 57 apology events in 1362 minutes of talk: see Table 1). Apologies were the least frequent at the first observation of the younger cohort. When the children were age 4 to 6 years, the rate Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 15 Table 1. Mean of apology events per minute for each age group. Preschool year 1 (4 6) Number of apology events Length of transcription (minutes) ean of apology events per minute Preschool year 3 (6 8) preadolescents year 1 (9 10) preadolesN cents year 3 (11 12) 12 11 15 19 57 377. 5 235. 5 321 428 1362 0. 032 0. 046 0. 047 0. 44 0. 042 of apology events is one every 31. 5 minutes (12 events in 377 minutes. ). Two years later the rate goes up to one apology every 21. 4 minutes (235/ 11). This is also the rate for apologies in the talk of the older cohort: every 21. 4 minutes the first year (321/15), when the children were age 9 to 10, and every 22. 5 minutes two years later, when the children were age 11 to 12 (428/19). The 57 apology events contained 82 occurrences of IFIDs (different Hebrew specific illocutionary force device expressions used for apologizing): an apology expression for every 16. 6 minutes of talk, 0. 06 per minute. The ratio of IFIDs per words is surprisingly similar to the rate found for British English spoken by people of varied ages and backgrounds. As calculated by Deutschmann (2003), the rate of IFIDs in British English was 59. 7 per 100,000 words, (3070 tokens in 5,139,083 running words), while in our small corpus of 157,666 running words (and 82 IFIDS) the rate found was 52 per 100,000 words3. . 1. Apology events: Types of violations and remedial work We defined an â€Å"apology event† as a conversational sequence including at least one remedial utterance indicating a violation. Further remedial actions with regard to the specified violation were considered as part of the same event. The event might further include complaints, a demand for an apology and negotiations over the acceptance of the apology and its meaning. 3. 1. 1. Violations By â€Å"violation† we mean an act or event that breaches a norm or a behavioral code; a breach the offender is expected to be accountable for to the offended party. In politeness theory terms, a violation is a face-threatening act the offender is expected to repair, supporting the offended party’s 16 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka Table 2. Types of violations over age (N Preschool year 1 (4 6) A. Accidents B. Mistakes and misunderstandings C. Breach of expectation D. Lack of consideration E. Talk offences F. Social gaffs G. Requests H. Hearing offense I. Offense involving breach of consensus J. Unidentified N i 57)i. Preschool year 3 (6 8) 3 preadoles- preadoles- Adult N cents year 1 cents year 3 all groups (9 10) (11 12) 3 3 1 4 4 3 1 3 1 5 3 3 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 2 1 8 1 13 1 8 3 4 2 3 1 11 9 15 7 8 19 1 3 57 One violation was coded for each apology event. The distinction between child and adult violation is in the question â€Å"who is the violator? †. face without a threat to his/her own (Chen 2001). Violations are at the core of the apology event. Exploring the types of violations children consider accountable allows us a gli mpse of a child’s notion of what acts or words are considered face-threatening and how these notions change with time. In other words, it allows us to assess the children’s system of politeness from their own point of view. The distribution of types of violation identified (following Deutschmann’s 2003 classification) is presented in Table 2. Despite the small numbers, some tentative patterns emerge: the most salient type of violation is lack of consideration (13), followed by mistakes and misunderstandings (8), breach of expectations (8), talk offenses (8) and accidents (7). Except for accidents (which mainly have to do with unintentionally physically hurting another child), these categories all relate to children’s social worlds, and testify to children’s norms and expectations from their peers. Interestingly, the categories are not evenly distributed: while children in the younger cohort realized apologies with regard to only four types of violations, the children in the older cohort realized apologies with regard to seven types at the age of 9 to 10, and nine types at the age of 11 to 12. Hence as children develop, they seem Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 17 to identify a richer range of potential violations, refining their sensitivity to the positive and negative face needs of the other, while concurrently developing more elaborate forms of repair4. Lack of consideration is the most salient type of violation attended to. Example 1 illustrates how the style of directives in play may become an issue of face-threat and trigger an indirect demand for an apology. The two girls, Liat and Nofar are enacting the roles of salesgirls in a dress shop scenario of pretend play. Liat, who takes on the leading role, issues a series of detailed direct instructions to Nofar in a machine gun style, which apparently Nofar finds irritating. Example 1: Annoying instructions5 Participants: Liat, f, (9;5); Nofar, f, (9). Date: 2. . 2000 Place: Liat’s room. Situation: The girls play free-play, â€Å"clothing store†. The first indication for considering the instructions as a threat to Nofar’s face is her refusal to cooperate (turn 131). The second indication is more explicit: following yet another instruction in 134, she repeats her refusal in an angry voice, adding a tag for emphasis (turn 135). This time her companion begins her t urn overlapping Nofar immediately after the first two words â€Å"I can’t† beginning yet another directive but cutting herself 18 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka ff to insert a repair â€Å"ok sorry†, thereby indicating that she must have sensed the angry tone in Nofar’s mid-turn. Yet she continues with still another attempt to pull Nofar back into her â€Å"instruction taking† role by the use of â€Å"but† (â€Å"but look, let’s say you finished. †) The attempt fails, and Nofar continues to protest (turn 137). It is noteworthy that while all of Liat’s turns are uttered within the pretend play frame, it is not clear whether Nofar’s turns (except for 133) are uttered within that frame, testifying to the salesgirl’s state of mind, or are uttered outside the frame, indicating real annoyance. Other types of salient violations, with 8 occurrences each, were mistakes and misunderstandings, talk offenses and breach of expectations. The first type, mistakes and misunderstandings, happened mainly during play, and only in the preadolescent’s talk. The explicit apology uttered referred to violations such as mistakes in operating a toy cashier or not putting an item in its place during a â€Å"clothing store† play (see example 1). Talk offenses, attended to through self repairs, occurred in our data first at the age of 6. Conversely, breach of expectations was attended to mainly in the young cohort6. Another salient type of violation was accidents (7), which were mainly violent acts against a member of the peer group, and occurred chiefly between boys. 3. 1. 2. Remedial strategies Do remedial strategies correspond to types of violation? We found no indication in our peer talk data that, as argued by Darby and Schlenker (1982), the nature and severity of the violation affects the form of the apology. The distribution of IFIDs (Illocutionary Force Indicators) and apology strategies is presented in Tables 3 and 4. Of the three forms, only mitnacel (apologize) is a uni-functional IFID used for apologies only; both micta’er (sorry) and slixa (forgive, excuse, pardon) are pragmatically multi-functional and can be used with other speech acts, with varying force of the apology function (e. g. , sorry, you have to clean the room now). The results confirm previous findings with regard to young children’s basic understanding of the notions of culpability and responsibility (Weiner and Handel, 1985) and their capability for providing violation targeted accounts (Much and Shweder, 1978). The lexeme slixa (literally ‘pardon’ derived from the verb ‘to forgive’, lisloa’x, often used for ‘excuse me’) is the most frequent item in all ages, followed by micta’er (I’m sorry) and finally by ‘apologize’, which is more formal and appeared only once in our corpus and was realized by an adult. From among the various strategies identified in adult discourse (Olshtain, 1989; Deutschmann, 2003), three did not show up in the children’s Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 19 Table 3. Distribution of Common Hebrew apology IFID types across age groups (N 82). Preschool year 1 (4 6) A. Apologize or apology (mitnacel ) B. Sorry (micta’er) C. Forgive, Excuse, Pardon (slixa) N Preschool year 3 (6 8) preadoles- preadoles- Adult N cents year 1 cents year 3 all groups (9 10) (11 12) 1 1 5 2 3 4 4 16 20 7 14 15 9 65 17 (18 with 19 adult realizations) 14 82 25 (32 with 7 (13 with adults readult realizations) alizations) Table 4. Distribution of Israeli children’s apology strategies across age groups (N Preschool year 1 (4 6) Responsibility Excuses Justification Promise for forbearance Repair Minimization Maximization 4 N 9 Preschool year 3 (6 8) 28). preadolespreadolesN cents year 1 cents year 3 (9 10) (11 12) 2 1 1 8 9 2 8 1 1 4 2 1 9 14 3 28 discourse: promise for forbearance; repair; and minimization. Taking on responsibility by naming the offense (I’m sorry for what I did ) occurred in both age cohorts, as did excuses. Contrary to the claim made in the literature (Graybill 1990; Schadler and Ayers Nachamkin 1983), preschoo l children did externalize causes for wrong doing via the use of excuses (by mistake/not because of me/I didn’t mean to/I don’t hear so well ). On the other hand, maximization (by intensifiers like very much, really) occurred only in the speech of the older cohort, and might indicate a growing recognition with age of the importance of sincerity in the realization of apologies. This finding is in line with Darby and Schlen- 20 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka ker’s (1982) argument that older children (9 12 years) perceive elaborated apologies as expressing deeper regret, and are also more able than younger children (5 6 years) to realize such apologies. 3. 2. The keying repertoire of children’s apologies One aspect of children’s growing sophistication in mastering the forms and functions of apologies is expressed through variations in â€Å"key†, the interpretative frame of the utterance marked often through tone of voice in terms of its â€Å"color† or mood, such as ironic, sincere, playful or subversive (Blum-Kulka et al. 2004). A somewhat similar notion is proposed by Deutschmann (2003) in marking apologies on a scale for sincerity, such as casual, sincere, challenging or sarcastic. Adding the category of â€Å"pretend† we adopted Deutschmann’s terms to classify all the apologies used by type of keying. As can be seen in Table 5 the major cutting line between the two cohorts is in the absence of the sarcastic and the scarcity of challenging keying from the younger children’s discourse. All other keyings are realized by all age groups. Casual keying (such as in sorry after stepping on somebody’s foot) appears in the younger children’s talk during joint activities, like drawing (Silver? Silver? Sorry, I don’t have silver color ) and is used by the preadolescents on various occasions, including for having made an error of speech. Marking apologies as sincere (lexically by repetition as in I’m really really sorry or by tone of voice) is common practice for all children. These two keyings are linked to apologies proper, namely with utterances that carry the illocutionary force of the ‘apology’ speech act. On the other hand, the use of the challenging and sarcastic keying (both less common) can be associated with a range of speech acts, sometimes mitigating the challenging key of the upcoming act, and sometimes underscoring it. Thus such forms can be used to pre-empt an FTA (as in directives excuse me, could you †¦), indicating the speaker’s Table 5. Distribution of apologies by keying over age (N Type of Keying Casual Sincere Challenging Sarcastic Pretend Preschool and Grade 1 Preadolescent 8 13 2 1 8 (2 challenging; 6 (all sincere) 6 sincere) Adults 3 8 19 29 57). 3 4 N 11 25 2 (4) 1 14 (2 challenging; 12 sincere) 57 Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 21 reluctance to impinge on the hearer’s negative face and thereby redressing that impingement (Brown and Levinson 1987). Deutschmann (2003) argues that in adult discourse, when such use of apology forms occurs in response to violations having to do with deviations from the consensus and in an aggressive tone, usually during heated debates, it is hard to see how they can be considered a mitigating device. Similarly, in situations of behavior control, the apology forms used by adults in interaction with the preschoolers serve a different purpose (Teacher: Excuse me?! You take your bag and you go in, no going wild. Please, don’t put chairs here). Such apology forms act in fact as directives to control behavior, and are in concert with and actually underscore the challenging key of the main control act. We found no instances of such use among the preschoolers, but it does appear in the talk of the preadolescents. On one occasion, when Ronen (9. 9) and Sa’ar (10) are playing with nylon bubbles, Ronen reacts to Sa’ar snatching the nylon with an indignant, excuse me sir, sir sir. Here again the apology form is used in the service of another function, namely to express an indignant objection. On the whole, the sarcastic keying is quite common in the talk of preadolescents, and is used with a variety of speech acts (Blum-Kulka et al. 2004), yet appeared only once with apologies. Example 2: ‘Sorry for Sa’ar’s momentary insanity’ Participants: Sa’ar, m, (10); Ronen, m, (9;9) Orly (9;9). Date: 22. 2. 00. Place: Sa’ar’s room. Situation: The children are talking to the microphone. In pretend play children learn to abide by rules and regulations, and their behavior in the play frame includes attending to minor and major 22 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka violations. Minor violations might be an error in naming one of the characters in play, or mistakes in the ways in which toys are operated. Major violations have to do with acting out of character in play, as in a case of a fight between two Pokemon characters, in which one of the children is offended by what seems to him as undue force having been used towards him by the other. The category of ‘pretend’ keying encompasses instances which are doubly keyed: first, for being uttered within the play frame; and second, for their specific function within play as sincere, sarcastic or challenging. Interestingly, apology forms associated with a challenging key appeared only in the third observation period for the preschoolers, when the children were 6 to 8, and only within the play frame. The following example illustrates such a case of slixa (sorry) uttered within the pretend play frame, in which Idit is enacting a dissatisfied pupil complaining to her ‘teacher’. The use of slixa here can be seen to function both to express indignation in response to the content of the previous turn (with no trace of its apology meaning), as well as to apologize for and thus mitigate in advance the upcoming FTA (you are a bad teacher ). Although she is ostensibly using the voice of a child, the style and adversarial tone of her delivery seems to echo adult parlance, perhaps that of a dissatisfied parent or teacher. Thus the play activity, by bringing in multiple roles and voices, allows for the development of pragmatic competencies by widening the repertoire of apology forms and functions. Example 3: ‘Excuse me teacher. Don’t speak with me about them’ Participants: Idit, f, (6;8); Shirley, f, (5;10). Date: 14. 3. 02 Place: Idit’s living room. Situation: The children are playing with dolls. Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 3 4. Resolution: Adult mediation vs. child negotiation Adult intervention in children’s conflicts may provide potentially important socializing input to the development of the pragmatics of apologizing. One adult strategy observed in the preschool is to attend to both parties in a conflict in the same breath, admonishing the offender on the one hand a nd stressing the need to accept his or her apology on the other (You have to accept his apology). Adult interventions in the children’s conflict may also function to model behavior, and to achieve conciliation through mediation (Tavuchis 1991: 64 68). We do not know of course the extent to which the use of apologies by the children is the direct outcome of adult modeling, but echoes of adult usage in peer talk, as when quoting the speech of one’s mother to a disruptive child visitor at home (she said to him Nadav, sorry, you are exaggerating! ), show that children can be highly attentive to adult speech. Children’s acknowledgement of the role of adult as mediator and conciliator finds its expression in the preschool in situations of conflict through quite frequent threats ‘to tell’ (ani agid otxa (lit. I’ll tell on you)). Yet children’s conflict management does not necessarily benefit from adult intervention. In the following examples we shall consider cases when a) children locally solve a conflict by themselves (example 4); b) cases when adult intervention is partly successful in modeling apology behavior, yet does not solve the conflict (example 5a and 5b); and c) cases when adult intervention is non-felicitous the adult imposes collective punishment without going to the root of the matter, while the children find sophisticated ways to negotiate a conciliation (example 6). In the episode below, the children have been enacting Pokemon characters in pretend play, and Dani, playing the good Pokemon, declares having killed the bad Pokemon played by Oren, apparently enacting the â€Å"killing† with undue force and hurting Oren physically. Oren shows he is hurt by emphatically opting out of play (32: I’ m simply not playing with you, really, I won’t play with you at all, Dani ). Dani reacts first by countering Oren, but seems to cut himself off to apologize briefly (34: sorry)7. Oren obliquely refuses to accept the apology by declaring his intention to hurt the offending party, using third person singular to mark re-entry to the pretend frame (35: I’ll hit him). The elaborate apology proffered by Dani next, containing both an IFID and the taking on of responsibility, (36: I’m sorry for what I did. Sorry) seems to satisfy Oren, who concedes that the hitting was done ‘gently’. The repair sequence lasts 4 turns, and includes repair, threat, elaboration of the repair, and acceptance of the repair through re-framing of the violation as non-grave. The full success of the repair sequence is evident 24 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka Example 4: ‘It was done gently’ Participants: Oren, m, (6;1); Dani, m, (5;11); Alon, m (5). Date: 6. 4. 00. Place: â€Å"Einit† preschool, Jerusalem. Situation: The children are playing Pokemon. n the next two turns (39 and 40), in which the two children resume cooperation in enacting in play different Pokemon characters, and Oren proceeds to tell Dani, (with Dani’s willing cooperation as active audience), a complicated tale which serves to explain why he even shouldn’t have been considered the enemy and been hit in the former stage of the pretend play (see Blum-Kulka 2005, for a fuller transcript and analysis of this interaction). This episode, which follows immediately the previous one, lasts over 76 turns, and illustrates how adult mediation might enhance the learning of strategies of conflict management, but does not necessarily lead to conflict resolution. The event builds up to a crisis when more children join Dani and Alon in the Pokemon based pretend play, with the children enacting various Pokemon characters (wearing imaginary space suits) having a fight. At some point Erez kicks a sand ball which hits Dani’s face; Dani is physically hit, spits and sneezes, and calls out Erez’s name. Erez apologizes briefly (slixa (lit. ‘forgive’)) but his apology is emphatically rejected by Dani (No, I’m not forgiving you, turns 321 324). Next, Dani uses the opportunity of the student-teacher addressing him on another matter (Daniele, did you have a drink) to try and register a complaint (YES BUT EREZ, shouting in anger) and is cut off by Erez apologizing again (also shouting, turn 327). The student-teacher, apparently inferring from this Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 25 Example 5a: â€Å"You have to accept his apology†: The role of the mediator Participants: Erez, m, (5;11); Dani, m, (5;11); Alon, m (5); Student (Assistant). Date: 6. 4. 00. Place: â€Å"Einit preschool, Jerusalem. Situation: The children are playing Pokemon. 26 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka Example 5a: (continued) brief exchange that there must have been a fight and that Dani is the offended party, attempts to appease Dani by convincing him to accept Erez’s apology (328: What happened? , uttered as a rhetorical question, He is apologizing). But Dani won’t have any of it and continues to recount the details of the incident in a shouting voice that indicates his emotional stress (329 335), ignoring Erez’s attempt for finding an excuse (but I didn’t see). At turn 334, the student takes on the role of the mediator in earnest. She allocates turns, (using explicit meta-pragmatic comments) as in a political debate, allowing each of the parties to present his side. First ensuring Dani’s speaking space (Let him speak and then you tell me) and then allocating speaking rights to Erez (Let’s hear what Erez has to say). Dani uses his speaking rights to complete the description of the violation (the act of kicking the sand in his face) and its consequences (I have sand in my mouth ) (335 336). Erez uses his space to provide a confused account of the happenings that led to the incident (including reference to previous unclear violation, when someone threw something on him)8 and goes on to minimize his responsibility for the incident through a series of excuses that embed the offense in the pretend play frame: accusing the other party (they shot at me first ), describing the unintended consequence of an action (I wanted to shoot and it flew the sand ). This sequence includes ‘positive excuses’ (Weiner et al. 1987) indicating that the skills needed for engaging in image restoration (Benoit 1995) and self facesaving (Chen 2001) are already activated by children in the preschool. In turn 338, the student tries to clarify if there has been any bad intention behind the offense. We can see her efforts as an attempt to socialize the children to the conventional norm for assigning blame; full responsibility applies only if the deed was fully intentional. After clarifying with Erez (in courtroom highly coercive interrogative ‘yes/no questions’ style) that the acts were not intentional, she announces her verdict as mediator, carefully attending to both parties, asking Erez to be more careful next time, and urging Dani to accept the apology (turn 342)9. Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 27 Example 5b: ‘I don’t forgive you and I’m not your friend’ Participants: Erez, m, (5;11); Dani, m, (5;11); Alon, m (5); Date: 6. . 00. Place: â€Å"Einit preschool, Jerusalem. ((22 turns omitted) Does Dani accept the mediation? Though there is no verbal indication that he does, the resumption of normal communication between the two children (Erez declares that he is going, Dani asks him to bring him his Pokadur) seems to suggest that the incident has been resolved. But actually, as the next extract shows, this is not the case at all. In the part omitted, Dani and Alon continue playing without Erez. When Erez returns, Daniel does not mince words to tell him not only that his apology has been in vain, but also that he has drawn the necessary conclusions: ‘Erez, Erez, Erez, I, I don’t forgive you and I’m not your friend anymore’ (368). We can see that despite all her efforts, the adult’s attempts at mediation and conciliation had no visible impact on the offended party, and the conflict remains unresolved. It is interesting to note the supportive part played in the conflict by Alon, Dani’s younger friend. First, Alon is the one who stays to play with Dani, after Erez leaves; second, he aligns himself with Dani by offering a moral to the incident that supports Dani (369: The one who is bad goes to hell, the one who is good goes to Heaven); third, he continues in his efforts to appease Dani and make him feel better for several minutes after the play is over by making new suggestions for a joint activity (would you like to continue with me the picture my dad drew for me of Pikachu? ). All to no avail, until he finally manages to make him join in laughter around a funny speech error10. In the next episode, the children are playing in a wooden structure in the yard called â€Å"the boys’ structure†. The structure contains an old cupboard, some tools and several big pillows. Preceding the episode quoted here they prepare an â€Å"insects cake† from sand (and ants) for one of the children’s imaginary birthday, present it to the birthday child who 28 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka pretends to taste it, and then pour its content into the sand box at the other end of the yard and run back to the â€Å"boys’ structure†. The confrontational event begins when Ariel asks Yoav to hand him the stick Yoav is holding, claiming it as his, and when Yoav refuses, tries to grab it by force. During the fight that develops, Yoav receives a blow from Ariel. At first one of the children justifies the act (38: Golan: Because you didn’t give me the stick’) but as they realize the seriousness of the blow and Naor threatens to tell the staff (43: ‘I’m going to tell on you Ariel ’) both Ariel and Golan begin to apologize profusely with Ariel repeating ‘sorry’ (slixa) no less than 14 times. This intensity, as suggested by Darby and Schlenker (1982), is possibly motivated by the threat to involve an institutional figure in the conflict. The male Teacher-Aid who appears on the scene makes no attempt to mediate for reconciliation. Instead, he threatens to impose collective punishment, I’ll take (it) apart, because, there is too much violence there (turns 60, 62), and indeed proceeds to take the stick from Ariel and dismantle the structure. When a few minutes later Ariel approaches Yoav with a new idea for play and Yoav concedes (77 78: Ariel: Let’s have a picnic; Yoav: Let’s have a party). At first the previous incident seems to have been completely forgotten, but Ariel’s reference to the unpleasant incident in turns 81 and 83 I didn’t mean to do it to you and I didn’t mean at all to do it to you (meaning, to hurt you) sheds a new light on the whole exchange, turning it into a carefully planned remedial action, performed in stages. The first stage consists of an attempt to re-establish mutual trust as friends by proposing a joint play, using solidarity politeness markers (‘let’s’) that suggest common ground. It is only after the offer is fully embraced by the other child, and a shared commitment to renewed friendship is firmly established, that reference is made to the previous incident. The renewal of friendship, which is expressed verbally through each child echoing the other’s ‘let’s’ utterance, underscoring their new togetherness, seems to work here to build the trust needed for allowing for the apology to come forward in a context that enhances its chances for being accepted as sincere. In this mutually supportive context, Ariel’s repeated denial of intent (see turns 81 and 83) stands a better chance of being accepted than in the confrontational context preceding it, and we can indeed witness its success through the two children’s full collaboration in the new play frame11. The renewal of friendship between Ariel and Yoav stands in sharp contrast to the outcome of the previous incident, in which Dani refuses point blank to renew his friendship with Erez. What we can see here is that the children’s norms for face threat and remedial action are driven by local, child world specific concerns: friendship is the central motivating force for interpersonal relations, and there are (mostly) unspoken norms governing appropriate behavior between Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 29 Example 6: ‘Let’s do a picnic party’ Yoav, m, (4;8); TEACHER-AID, Teacher Assistant (m); Golan, m, (5;6); Ariel, m, (4;11); Amichay, m, (4;10); Amit, m, (4;11); Naor; Date: 05-06-00, Place: â€Å"Einit† kindergarden, Jerusalem. Situation: The children are playing in the recycled junkyard consisting of small structures; they are in the â€Å"boys’ play structure†. 30 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka Example 6: (continued) ((continued: the boys are playing peacefully and keep on planning their picnic. )) friends. Breaches of this behavior (like causing physical damage to your friend) are taken as face threatening not only to the offended party, but also to their shared face as friends. Since it is friendship that is jeopardized, such confrontational episodes can have either of two outcomes: (temporary) end of friendship or successful remedial action that leads to its full resumption. Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 31 5. Other means of reconciliation In this section we discuss the sholem (literally ‘peace’) ritual as one salient indirect way of negotiating reconciliation in the children’s world12. The sholem ritual is an important cultural practice of appeasement in Israeli children’s peer world. The word sholem denotes being in a friendly state, and its antonym brogez, (in anger) denotes being in antagonistic state. The terms can be used both to denote being ‘in peace’ (sholem) or the opposite (brogez, ‘in anger’) as well as performatively, to bring such states into being (Katriel 1985). Through the sholem event children declare and mark performatively the end of conflict; sholem events put an end to a period of brogez. They provide speakers with indirect means for appeasement, circumventing the need to apologize explicitly and thereby minimizing the threat to the self’s negative face. Similar to apologies, sholem rituals presuppose that a violation has taken place, has led to a state of brogez (a severance of relationship), a situation which is being remedied through the performance of the ritual which allows for the resumption of relations and reestablishment of the normal social matrix. The initiation for a sholem ritual can be rejected, which is face-threatening for the initiator. Our next example illustrates one way to minimize the threat to negative self face. By engaging in a pre-sholem-ritual move, querying the state of the relationship (are you brogez/sholem with †¦? ) rather than attempting to change it, the speaker can find out if the necessary preparatory condition for the ritual holds without actually risking its performance. In the following extract, the three boys are talking about their forthcoming lunch, and Ben expresses concern that one of the boys (Eitan) will not share his bagels with his friends. Apparently bagels are a coveted item, but to have them shared necessitates that both receiver (s) and donor are in a friendly relationship. But Eitan (the potential donor) is considered a ‘non-friend’ throughout the exchange, in which the other boys keep telling him that they are in a state of brogez with him. Ben’s question to Eli (turn 92) refers to Eitan (the potential donor) in the third person, suggesting that he is an unratified participant; one with whom the others are in a state of ‘not friends right now’ (brogez). This is a state Eli’s proposes to remedy through the sholem ritual of peace making. But instead of following up this suggestion, Ben, speaking on behalf of the group, minimizes the threat to Eitan’s positive face caused by his exclusion by claiming that it was not in earnest (94: we teased you, teased you, okay? ), and then goes on to query rather than state the collective wish to make peace. In the next example the pre-sholem-ritual query is used as a sophisticated indirect strategy for gaining play entry (Blum-Kulka, in press). 2 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka Example 7: ‘Make now sholem’ Participants: Ben, m, (4;9); Eli, m, (4;6); Eitan, m (4;11); Date: 2. 2. 2000. Place: â€Å"Dganit† kindergarden, Ashdod. Situation: The children are talking about their forthcoming lunch. This extract is a small part of a long episode in which Dalit and Adi, best friends, engage in pretend play based on Pokemon characters, while a third girl, Shirley, makes repeated failed attempts to join in. This extract represents a failed attempt at appeasement. Shirley’s preritual-query in turn 22 (are you (plural) sholem with me? ) queries the status of her friendship with the two other girls in an attempt to establish the necessary precondition for play entry. As noted by Corsaro (1985), children in this age group use ‘claims of friendship in an attempt to gain access, and the denial of friendship as a basis for exclusion’ (p. 168). Example 8: The ‘sholem-brogez’ incident Participants: Dalit, f, (5;0); Adi, f, (4;7); Shirly, f, (4;0). Date: 4. 5. 2000. Place: â€Å"Dganit† kindergarden, Ashdod. Situation: The children are playing freely outside. Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 33 Shirley’s indirect request to join in systematically rejected by Dalit (see turns 25 for an indirect denial of friendship and 28 for reference to arbitrary rules as a way for denial), while her friend, Adi, acts as the gobetween, speaking up for Shirley while also placating Dalit. The failure to reach reconciliation is encapsulated in Shirley’s move in turn 26: she declares a new state of personal dispute, singling Dalit brogez itax (singular ‘you’), thereby countering Dalit’s move of exclusion by reclaiming the initiative for herself. In principle, this should rule out any further attempts by her to join the game, but in practice she does continue with her efforts to negotiate entry, efforts met every time with direct yet grounded refusals on the part of Dalit13. Several points about children’s concept of apologies that we saw earlier are illustrated here: first, the centrality of friendship as a necessary recondition for all social relationships (be it for sharing food or joint play); second, the vulnerability of ‘friendship’ as a shared face construct; and third, physical damage as well as acts of exclusion constitute grave face-threats that sever friendships and hence need to be remedied in ways that ensure th e re-institution of the relationship in full. 6. Summary The analysis of apology events in peer interaction as presented here suggests that the children’s system of politeness for apologies contains a rich repertoire of verbal formulae and apology functions, and is largely driven by the deep interests of childhood peer culture. The verbal formulae manifest in the children’s talk echo adult usage: both the young and the older cohort used the formulaic slixa (literally, ‘forgive’, used as ‘excuse me’) and ani micta’er (‘I’m sorry’), for a number of functions and in different keyings. Thus ‘I’m sorry’ is being used formulaically (I’m sorry, I don’t have †¦ ) and sarcastically (I’m sorry for his momentary insanity †¦ by 10 year old boy), and ‘forgive’ is used both in a challenging key (excuse me teacher, don’t speak †¦ ) and in earnest (I’m sorry for what I did, excuse me). We also saw that the pragmatic repertoire for apologies includes the ability to detect a complaint realized indirectly, to use various excuses to minimize responsibility and to deny intent Comparing the two cohorts, we saw that with age, the range of forms and functions increases, as does the repertoire of acts considered as violations requiring an apology14. Thus, while apologies made by younger children are often conventional in nature and focus mostly on ‘breach of expectation’ type of violation, (as in Silver? Silver? Sorry, I don’t have silver color’, in response to a request for a silver color from a 6 year old girl). Preadolescents vary their use of forms and keyings to address di- 34 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka verse types of offenses (as in the case of Iris, 10, personifying the microphone by ‘eh forgive me, don’t be offended, don’t be offended ’). Concurrently, the need to apologize often arises in situations of play, in cases when a momentary violent act by one of the children threatens what Corsaro (1985) calls â€Å"the fragile interactive space† shared by a group of playmates. Corsaro argues that the concept of friendship in the preschool years is mainly built on the concept of collaboration in play. Your friends are the children you play with, and since peer interactive spaces are difficult to enter yet easily disrupted, ‘children develop relation with several playmates as a way to maximize the probability of successful entry’ (Corsaro 1985: 186). Our observations suggest a broader concept of friendship in the preschool years. Friendship as such seems to be conceived as the major precondition for gaining access to play: being ‘in peace’ (sholem) indexes being friends, and declaring a state of ‘in anger’ (brogez) indexes a grave threat to face because it means the denial of friendship. Hence disruptive acts during play are interpreted as threatening the very foundation which makes play possible, namely presupposed friendship. The negotiation over the remedial action that follows, successful or not, has to do with re-instating the relationship. Interestingly, when adults intervene, the focus shifts to the clarification of intent (TA: you have to accept his apology because he did not do it on purpose) whereas among the children, intent gets mentioned only after mutual trust and solidarity have been re-established through the acceptance of a new play frame (Yonatan: I didn’t mean to). The study of children’s apologies, as undertaken here, is exploratory in nature and does not claim to represent the full pragmatic system for children’s notions of face threat and remedial action at different ages. Yet because it is based entirely on natural discourse, it allows us a glimpse into the way that children’s politeness systems are being shaped in their daily interactions, and how they are driven by local immediate concerns of childhood culture, like friendship, while concurrently constantly adopting the forms and conventions of the adult world. Notes 1. There are only few apology studies that have relied on transcribed natural discourse. The two recent studies that did rely on natural spoken data (Deutschmann, 2003 from a politeness theory perspective; Robinson, 2004 from a CA perspective), focused on adult usage only. 2. See Blum-Kulka et al. (2004) and Blum-Kulka (2005) for more information on the project. 3. Obviously, more research is needed for reaching any cross-cultural or age related conclusions from such comparisons. 4. The findings also indicate some gender differences in the types of offenses which precede apologies. Whereas most of the boys’ apologies were realized after a vio- Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 35 lent conflict (which fall mainly to the accident category), girls apologized mainly after lack of consideration or talk offenses. See Sheldon (1993) and Sheldon and Johnson (1994) for the broader picture of gender differences in conflict talk. Transcription Conventions: word emphasis Wo::rd stretch WORD loud volume ?word? low volume AB pitch changes slow rhythm words fast rhythm #words# unique tone (0) pause [words] overlap word overlatch word- cut-off word) transcription doubt ((comment)) comments (†¦. ) unclear talk. Turn numbers reflect the original numbering in the full recorded session the excerpt is taken from. The English translation follows the Hebrew text closely; cases where Israeli norms or strategies are culture specific are commented on in the body of the paper. Deutschmann (2003) includes in this category offens es such declining offers or requests, forgetting agreements etc. For example, when Dafna (6;2) asks for the silver color during a joint drawing activity, Daniela (5;9) apologizes â€Å"Silver? Silver? Sorry, I don’t have silver color†). It is not perfectly clear from the tape who is uttering the first â€Å"sorry† in this sequence. The second IFID realization in turn 36 is made by Danni, who is also the offender in this apology event. Because of technical problems the sequence was only partly transcribed, a matter which makes it difficult to characterize the violations in detail; thus we do not know what the TA is referring to when she talks about â€Å"falling†. This is the only occurrence of the word â€Å"apology† in the corpus. Nine turns later (382) the children started to play with an iron which warmed up in the sun, and later sat on it. Prompted by the heated metal, they started a verbal play with a distortion of the utterance â€Å"my butt is boiling†, which made them both laugh and finally succeeded in cheering up Dani. Ariel’s moves seem to resemble the â€Å"confidence building measures† diplomats talk about in the context of international conflict resolution. We have also noted other indirect ways of appeasement, such as humor, narratives and explanations, but will not elaborate on these for lack of space. There were 32 â€Å"brogez† utterances and 17 â€Å"sholem† utterances in the young cohort’s data, and not a single occurrence in the older cohort’s talk. We can see that the â€Å"sholem† ritual is replaced with age by the conventional apology formula of the adult world. A caveat is in order here. More data is needed to confirm our developmental observations, since some of them might be due to the different circumstances in which peer talk took place in the two cohorts: during free play in groups for the younger children, and during a meal in a fast food restaurant in pairs of two for the older cohorts. 36 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka References Benoit, W. L. (1995). Accounts, Excuses and Apologies: A Theory of Image Restoration Strategies. Albany: State University of New York Press. Bergman, L. M. and G. Kasper (1993). Perception and performance in native and nonnative apology. In Interlanguage Pragmatics, G. Kasper and S. Blum-Kulka (eds. ). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Brown, P. and S. Levinson (1987 [1978]). Politeness: Some Universals in Language Usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Blum-Kulka, S. , J. House, and G. Kasper (eds. ) (1989). Cross-Cultural Pragmatics: Requests and Apologies. Vol. 31. New Directions in Discourse Processing. Norwood, NJ: Ablex. Blum-Kulka, S. , D. Huck-Taglicht, and H. Avni (2004). The social and discursive spectrum of peer talk. Thematic issue of Discourse Studies: Peer talk and pragmatic development. 6 (3): 307 329. Blum-Kulka, S. (2005). ‘I will tell you the whole true story now’: Sequencing the past, present and future in children’s conversational narratives. In Perspectives on Language and Language Development: Essays in Honor of Ruth Berman, D. Ravid and H. Bat-Z. Shyldkrot (eds. ), 178 205. Dodrecht: Kluwer. Blum-Kulka, S. (in press). ‘If it’s my size, would it be possible to wear it a bit? ’ Israeli children’s peer talk requests. In Studies in Language and Education: Essays in Honor of Elite Olshtain, A. Stavans and I. Kupferberg (eds. ). Jerusalem: New Vistas in Education and Society Series, Magnes Press. Butler, C. D. (2001). The role of context in the apology speech act: A socio-constructivist analysis of the interpretations of native English-speaking college students. Dissertation. The Humanities and Social Sciences (DAIA), Ann Arbor, MI. Chen, R. (2001). Self politeness: A proposal. Journal of Pragmatics, 33: 87 106. Corsaro, W. A. (1985). Friendship and Peer Culture in the Early Years. Norwood, N. J. : Ablex. Darby, B. W. and B. R. Schlenker (1982). Children’s reactions to apologies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 43: 742 753. Darby, B. W. and B. R. Schlenker (1989). Children’s reactions to transgressions: Effects of the actor’s apology, reputation and remorse. British Journal of Social Psychology 28: 353 364. Deutschmann, M. (2003) Apologizing in British English. Umea: Umea University Press. Edmondson, W. J. (1981). On Saying You’re Sorry. In Conversational Routine, F. Coulmas, (ed. ), 273 288. The Hague: Mouton De Gruyter. Garcia, C. (1989). Apologizing in English: Politeness strategies used by native and non native speakers. Multilingua 8 (1): 3 20. Goffman, E. 1971). Relations in Public. New York: Basic Books. Graybill, D. (1990). Developmental changes in the response types versus aggression categories on the Rosenzweig Picture-Frustration Study, Children’s Form. Journal of Personality Assessment 55: 603 609. Hickson, L. (1986). The social contexts of apology in dispute settlement: A crosscultural study. Ethnology, 25 : 283 294. Holmes, J. (1989). Sex differences and apologies: One aspect of communicative competence. Applied Linguistics, 10: 194 213. Holmes, J. (1990). Apologies in New Zealand English. Language in Society, 19 (2): 155 199. Holmes, J. (1993). New Zealand women are good to talk to: An analysis of politeness strategies in interaction. Journal of Pragmatics, 20 (2): 91 116. Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 37 Katriel, T. (1985). Brogez: Ritual and strategy in Israeli children’s conflicts. Language in Society, 14 (4): 467 490. Lakoff, R. B. (2001). Nine ways of looking at apologies: The necessity for interdisciplinary theory and method in discourse analysis. 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World War II as the Most Devastating War in World History

World War II was the most devastating war in world history. The war resulted in horrific property damage as well as about 17 million military deaths and even more civilian deaths. The devastation of the war was mainly due to the advanced military weapons used, from the infantry on the front line to the ships in the sea and the planes in the sky, these weapons destroyed lives and property in nearly every part of the world. In 1939 the United States became involved in the war.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on World War II as the Most Devastating War in World History specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Introduction As the â€Å"greatest generation† (Sledge 1990) fades, it is most significant to appreciate the important role they played in the shaping of our country today. Buried deep in the hearts and minds of every veteran are their many unforgettable memories. From these memories veterans can reflect and realiz e what precious treasures they have gained as they endured the many experiences World War II has offered them. The efforts of these veterans will never be forgotten as the stories of these heroes are passed from generation to generation. To fully appreciate the sacrifices of these veterans, it is important to pay close attention to what knowledge they have to share. We can learn from their mistakes or follow in their footsteps but either way we must take interest before it is too late. Without the help of these important veterans, our view of World War II might not be what it should have been. The same mistakes could just have easily been made and another world war could have surfaced. The American soldiers and veterans who had fought foreign wars formed together but most of the people preferred new Am vets. The first convention of American veterans of World War II later who served the US military was held in Chicago in October 1945. Even the smaller groups of veterans formed togeth er to support them mutually in organization such as American Veterans Committee (Schneider and Schneider 2003). To these heroes we owe every aspect of our life. These veterans came from all over the nation to defend and honor our country. United States and the Japan in the World War II The American said this war as the good war as the America entered World War II for good reasons. They had to defend their allies in the European continent. Friendly European nations were losing the battle against the Axis forces and needed the United States’ forces assistance (Sledge 1990). The U.S. had the much needed military power the Allies needed to win. (Elson 1043) Since the European nations being attacked were allies and foreign trade partners, it was in the best interest of the United States to assist them. Many people felt it was the duty of the United States to travel overseas and defend them.Advertising Looking for essay on history? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More The U.S. had to prevent the war from reaching home. Attacks on U.S. soil would be very dangerous to the security of the nation. If the war reached North America, it surely would have meant the Axis would be victorious. This is one reason the U.S. entered the war when they did; they had to keep the war overseas. When there was an attack within U.S. borders, immediate action was taken. On December 7, 1941, Japanese planes bombed Pearl Harbor, a military base in Hawaii. The results were devastating. 19 ships were sunk, 150 planes destroyed, 2403 were killed, and 1178 wounded. This attack threatened both the United State’s pride and security. Since â€Å"part of this government is based on pride, action had to be taken to defend the United States of America. Only one day after the attack on Pearl Harbor, war was declared by the U.S. on Japan (Sloan 2007). When the declaration of war was voted upon, the results were astonishing. In the Senat e, the vote was a unanimous 82 yeas to 0 nays. The House of Representatives voted 388 yeas to 1 nay. The lone vote against the war was from pacifist Jeanette Rankin. It seemed everyone felt the same way toward the idea of war. The government was concerned for the nation’s defense. Pearl Harbor was the point of no return. The United States was attacked, and now it had to join the war to protect itself. The event riled up the citizens to support their country. Many men joined the military to fight for their country. People in the U.S. never felt as safe as they had prior to the attack. Every ethnic Japanese citizen was seen as a hazard. Americans were fearful that all Japanese-Americans had the same feelings of support for Japan. Americans became paranoid of the Japanese. Song requests on radio stations were banned from being played by the National Association of Broadcasters. They believed it may allow the Japanese to send coded messages. Weather reports were cancelled for fea r enemy fliers would use them to plan bombing raids on American cities. Man-on-the-street interviews were stopped because of the possibility that a national secret might be revealed. This fear of the Japanese race kept growing and affecting American life. The Japanese paranoia grew so great, a 1941 issue of Time even taught its subscribers how to distinguish between our Chinese friends and the hated Japs, who were, presumably, lurking around every corner. The differences were almost comical. The magazine said the Chinese were not as hairy and more kindly and open. On the other hand the Japanese were uncertain and panicky and â€Å"laughed out loud at the wrong time† (Yang 2003). The government, fearing for national security, took steps to minimize, if not eliminate, the threat the Japanese could pose (Yang 2003). To deal with the problem of the Japanese Americans, the United States set up internment camps for the Japanese to be sent to. Persons with as little as 1/16 Japanese blood were told to go to internment camps (Sloan 2007).Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on World War II as the Most Devastating War in World History specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More The Japanese people that were sent to these camps were allowed to bring only a bedroll and what they could carry. The internment camps were not nice places to be. They were surrounded with barbed wire and armed guards. The internees were sent to the camps only because of their ethnicity; they did not commit any crimes. The most controversial part of the internment included American-born children and youth who had both U.S. and Japanese citizenship. Nevertheless, they were sent to the internment camps just in case. The United States could make no exceptions to their policy on the grounds that they could be allowing the enemy to walk freely in their boundaries. Some of the internees were still loyal to the United States and wanted to fig ht for it. Critical Analysis There were many shortages of critical materials during World War II. Even so, civilian consumption rose about 22% during the war. Production on many civilian products sharply declined or stopped altogether. This decline in production of these products led to shortages. There were shortages of materials such as leather, metal, and rubber. To solve the problem of these shortages, many items were rationed (Sloan 2007). The rationing of products occurred from 1942 through 1943. In 1942, coffee and gasoline were rationed. Shoes, meats, fats, and cheese were placed under rationing in 1943. A point-rationing system for processed foods was also introduced in 1943. 1944 marked the end of rationing with the end of meat rationing with the exception of various choice cuts of beef. In 1945, shoes, all meats, butter, and tires were no longer rationed. During this period of rationing goods, coupons were needed to purchase these items (Dickson 2008). Schools set up rati oning stations to distribute coupons. Every person, no matter their age, received the same type of coupons. To purchase an item, three things were needed: the store must have the item, the buyer needed the cash to buy the item, and the appropriate coupon had to be used for the item. With these restrictions on purchasing products, black and grey market activity arose. Black market activity was the selling of ration coupons for a personal profit. Grey market activity was the trading of coupons among friends, family, or neighbors. Both were illegal (Elson 1945). This system of rationing was used until the end of World War II After the war, the economy was on the rise. There was a boom in housing because of the easily affordable mortgages for the returning military veterans. From this growth in the economy came a growing middle class. People migrated from cities to suburbs and businesses were involved in consolidation phase.Advertising Looking for essay on history? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More By 1956, most people held white-collar jobs. Labor unions were able to gain long term employment contracts and associated benefits for their members. Farmers, though, were still facing hard times. Farming continued to decline for many years. Besides the economy, there were improvements to the United States elsewhere. The military started allowing African Americans equal treatment. Nearly 500,000 African Americans had fought in World War II, most of which were confined to cheaper, segregated quarters. Despite their unequal treatment, the African Americans had fought well in the war and the military acknowledged that. The President’s Committee on Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Service was established specifically to study this matter. The armed services would never treat African Americans differently again (Elson 1945). After World War II, the United States had more respect as a world power than they ever had before. It made a great change in American societ ies. The people of America gained self-Confidence and believed what they were capable of, they had a victory as a nation and the individuals found themselves capable of doing what they can do (Schneider and Schneider 2003). They were seen as a world power prior to 1945, but not like they were after the war. World War II was the first real time the United States chose to exert its true power. The U.S. has dominated the affairs of the world since 1945 (Dickson 2008). Since then, the United States has been considered one of, if not the most, powerful country in the world. Bibliography Dickson, Keith D. World War Two almanac. New York: Infobase Publishing, 2008. Elson, Henry W. History of the United States of America. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1945. Schneider, Carl J., and Dorothy Schneider. World War II. New York: Infobase Publishing, 2003. Sledge, E. B. With the Old Breed: At Peleliu and Okinawa. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990. Sloan, Bill. The Ultimate Battle: Okinawa 1 945–The Last Epic Struggle of World War II. New York: Simon Schuster, 2007. Yang, Timothy M. The Malleable Yet Undying Natiure of the Yellow Peril. 2003.  http://www.dartmouth.edu/~hist32/History/S22%20-The%20Malleable%20Yet%20Undying%20Nature%20of%20the%20Yellow%20Peril.htm . This essay on World War II as the Most Devastating War in World History was written and submitted by user Virulent Budg1e to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.